On the non-existence of the Actually Existing

It's always nice to see Trotskyist orthodoxies being poked around a bit, just to remind that the tradition isn't totally moribund. Hence The Tomb on substitutionism in the anti-Stalinist left, and the former habit of left intellectuals to apologise for the Eastern Bloc 'actually existing socialist' states. I must admit to being horribly conflicted on this question, my position probably resembling some melange of Leninism at its most Statist and Luxemburgism at its most spontaneity-eulogising. I usually find myself being equally swayed by the Workers' Opposition's critique of nascent substitutionism and Lenin's quasi-Taylorism, and while obviously one should ridicule the claims to socialism of, eg the former German Democratic Republic, this is ususally balanced out by a fascination with the material culture and political morality of the Soviet Bloc, and the various and frequently non-cynical attempts to build a non-capitalist culture in these states.*

Also, I'm not sure how appropriate the notion of substitutionism necessarily is in the case of most former Bloc states. Moshe Lewin's The Soviet Century makes the intriguing argument that, rather than the process being the accepted line of Party substitutes for Class, then merges with State, instead the State Apparatus simply occludes the Party and uses it as proof of its revolutionary continuity and as a clapping machine, while real power lies in the institutions and the nomenklatura. Hence the attempts to salvage the system from the Left Opposition onwards always involved reinvigorating the Party- though of course usually stopping short from advocating real Proletarian Democracy. Lewin's position that the USSR was neither socialist nor, in the Cliffite sense 'State Capitalist' seems apposite as well. But the main, and admittedly rather simplistic, contention I would make though is that any experiments in non-laissez faire always make the possibility of capitalism's end conceivable. Whether its Swedish social democracy or Yugoslav self-management or even to a certain degree the shabby excuse for socialism of the Eastern Bloc, simply the fact that these states managed to achieve something, didn't spontaneously combust simply by abandoning the free market, marks them out as what Jameson (on Cuba) has called a kind of 'liberated territory', irrespective of their petty failures and brutalities. To hold this up as a model is of course another thing altogether...
* Despite considering myself to be a socialist first and an aesthete second, there is a constant temptation to read a society via its artefacts. This has obvious pitfalls, but I don't think it always serves as mere window dressing. The clunky attempts at socialist culture like the mosaic on the East Berlin Haus des Lehrers (where these pics are from) have a certain surplus, speak of what the 'socialist' states were themselves unable to achieve.

8 Comments:
Also, I'm not sure how appropriate the notion of substitutionism necessarily is in the case of most former Bloc states. Moshe Lewin's The Soviet Century makes the intriguing argument that, rather than the process being the accepted line of Party substitutes for Class, then merges with State, instead the State Apparatus simply occludes the Party and uses it as proof of its revolutionary continuity and as a clapping machine, while real power lies in the institutions and the nomenklatura.
Well, there's the ideological legitimation and the actual process. Substitutionism is an ideology, and as such, the substitutionist logic is roughly: Class->Party->CC->State. As to the facts of what occurred, I daresay Lewin is right. Indeed, I think Cliff suggested this too. In fact, I'm pretty sure Lenin described the process as it was happening.
simply the fact that these states managed to achieve something, didn't spontaneously combust simply by abandoning the free market, marks them out as what Jameson (on Cuba) has called a kind of 'liberated territory', irrespective of their petty failures and brutalities.
That's back in the territory of consolation, I think. The Stalinist states pointed to the possibility of another world when the working class wasn't in great shape, but the fact that it wasn't a world in which anyone would want to live is kind of fatal to the whole idea.
I think Cliff suggested this too. In fact, I'm pretty sure Lenin described the process as it was happening.
the fact that it wasn't a world in which anyone would want to live is kind of fatal to the whole idea.
I think you're right on both counts here. But what I suppose I'm trying to get at is that these states (or at least some- I'm not talking about Mengistu's Ethiopia, Ceascescu's Romania etc here: more Titoism, goulash communism, the thaw in Poland and the USSR, Cuba etc) had promises they didn't keep, and that these are actually still remembered, and still fertile- I don't think something like Ostalgie is politically uninteresting, in a sense it's based on holding the DDR to its ideological legitimation. There was a potential, or a surplus there which could have gone in other directions than the nomenklatura privatising the state's assets. This is why I think the fact that the Party itself was still seen as a threat in these states (and perhaps why one of Yeltsin's first acts was to ban the CPSU).
I guess I'm trying to dissent with both the 'deformed workers' state' argument (which has obvious flaws, esp that these states were in almost all cases never the product of the working class itself) and the state capitalism thesis, which seems too pat (though there's much interesting in Cliff's arguments), as there was I would argue something fundamentally non-capitalist about these countries, this being why they were so feared by the 'West', because they had a certain potentiality- but this does need a lot of work.
I don't get the argument that since the West hated and feared Stalinism it meant Stalinism was non-capitalist. The West hates and fears its competitors - simple as that - even if the competitors are ideologically almost indistinguishable (cf modern China).
As to "the Party itself being a threat", you have to look at the reality that the Stalinist state parties were pretty much sociologically identical to Western Tory parties. No politics apart from ritual; people joined for the same reason they join Tory parties, to network with the state bosses.
Sorry, but that's exactly what I meant by the theory of state capitalism being prone to the pat. The 'West' I put in scare quotes because I don't think its a useful concept in this case: the fear of China that say the US has now is of more or less the same order as Britain's fear of Wilhelmine Germany. Both have very little in common with the US and its allies' terror of what 'Communism' could have become, ie something not capitalist, not just a competing market. I don't think the Cold War can be reduced to a different form of kaiser-bashing or the yellow peril.
I'd mention in this context John Pilger's argument (which Baudrillard also uses in Simulacra and Simulation, funnily enough) that the US' main motivation in the Vietnam war was the possibility that the Viet Minh might set up something that wasn't a grim, bureaucratic state. In this they had much in common with the USSR in suppressing the Hungarians in '56. Potential had to be nipped in the bud, and quickly was, but that doesn't mean it wasn't there.
Oh and yes, I'm fully aware that the composition of the Communist Parties were for the most part ritualistic, as I think I pretty clearly pointed out. What this doesn't explain the fear of the party and the constant emasculation of it by the state apparatus, lest it get funny ideas, as did the Czech Party in '68. The risk that they might start believing their own legitimation.
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